British Parliament on Greek affairs | |||
December 2000 | |||
Extracts from Debates, Motions and Written Answers at
the House of Commons and the House of Lords related to Cyprus and other Greek affairs.
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House of Commons Debates (December
2000)
Commons Hansard (12 Dec 2000) The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Mr. Keith Vaz): During his most recent meeting with the Cyprus Foreign Minister on 3 October, the Foreign Secretary welcomed the progress made so far in the on-going United Nations Cyprus proximity talks. The discussions also covered the necessity for both sides to remain fully engaged in the UN proximity talks, aimed at securing a just and sustainable settlement in Cyprus, which will benefit both its communities. The United Kingdom remains strongly supportive of the UN process and is working hard to ensure that all involved continue to co-operate fully with the UN Secretary- General's efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement in Cyprus. Mr. Love: My hon. Friend will be aware that Mr. Denktash, the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, has indicated that he will not take part in further proximity talks. What efforts are the Government making to ensure the continuation of dialogue between the two communities in Cyprus, and what pressures are they bringing to bear to ensure meaningful dialogue leading to a resolution of the conflict on the island? Mr. Vaz: I congratulate my hon. Friend on all the work that he has done on this issue and on the number of times that he has raised it in the House. It is vital that dialogue continues between the communities, and we have every confidence in the abilities of our special representative, Sir David Hannay. My hon. Friend will know from his meetings with Sir David and others involved in this sensitive process that we want all groups to participate. As the Prime Minister said on 23 December 1998, we want to see a just and lasting settlement for Cyprus. Mr. John Butterfill (Bournemouth, West): On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Mr. Speaker: After the statement, sir. House of Lords Debates (December 2000) Lords Hansard (20 Dec 2000) Lord Rea: My Lords, first, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Avebury, on his very good luck. He won two ballots for today's business, first, for the topical Question, and, now, for tonight's debate. He should place some of his money with Camelot for tonight's draw, but perhaps that would be pushing his luck too far. The noble Lord has been most perceptive in raising this issue. The progress reports, mentioned in the title of the debate, on the candidates for enlargement offer us an opportunity to consider a whole range of social, legislative and economic aspects of the countries concerned. Like most other noble Lords, I shall concentrate on human rights and the treatment of ethnic minorities.
I have only had time to look at two of the reports--those on the Czech
Republic and Turkey--so I shall be following along some of the same lines
as the noble Lord, Lord Avebury. Of course, the Czech Republic is in the
first wave while Turkey is still some distance away.
The issue in the Czech Republic which concerns me, as others, is the
situation of the Roma. That is very similar to that in many central and
eastern European countries. The attitude of Czechs to the Roma in their
midst was brought home forcefully to me on a visit to Prague about six
years ago when the daughter of two very fair-minded and cultured friends
revealed a degree of racist hate against gypsies which surprised me,
considering that her parents had been persecuted first as Jews and then by
the communists, although they had originally been communists and held
important posts in the first post-war government.
The problem is now recognised by the Czech government and the progress
report stated that the Czech inter-ministerial Roma commission reported
recently that the vast majority of the measures in the 1997 action plan to
improve the situation of the Roma had been fulfilled.
Nevertheless, the report says on page 26:
But they also give examples of good practice. Sadly, those are too few
and far between. For example, a really successful project is the Gandhi
Secondary School in Hungary. It is aptly named because, of course, the
Roma originate from India. It is dedicated to Roma children alone but
brings them up to a good pre-university standard which is equal to or
better than normal secondary schools as well as educating them about
their own cultural heritage.
What is useful about this report that we have been discussing is that,
while the Czech Republic is still a candidate for EU membership, it
gives a critical commentary on progress with suggestions for
improvement. What is not clear is whether there are set goals by which
to assess progress, failing which admission might be postponed or
denied. We understand now that there is no chance of that. But I should
value my noble friend's comments on whether, perhaps, we should not
require the achievement of definite stated goals in, for example,
progress with the Roma community.
Of course, we cannot expect perfection. For that, we should first need
to remove the beam from our own eye which is very much there. One only
has to look at the
Turkey is much further from fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in terms of
democratic institutions, the rule of law and the tolerance of national
minorities as well as in a number of economic areas. The report on Turkey,
while praising it on progress in several directions, still presents a
formidable list of areas where much more progress is needed.
There is no time to go into those in detail but they include, for example,
the need in the political sphere to end procedures by the chief public
prosecutor to dissolve two legitimate parties--the pro-Kurdish Hadep Party
and the moderate Islamist party, Fazilet. Both of those parties have been
reborn after their predecessors were banned. The report lists several
areas where the judicial system also needs to be much improved.
In the field of human rights, there is a great deal amiss, which is
reported; for example, Turkey's non-accession to important human rights
documents--the European Convention on Human Rights, Protocol 6, which
abolishes the death penalty, although we acknowledge that the death
penalty has not been used by Turkey since 1984, including the case of
Abdullah Ocalan. Secondly, it has not signed the convention on the
elimination of all forms of racial discrimination or the Council of
Europe's convention relating to the protection of national minorities.
The situation regarding torture and ill-treatment is reported to be
potentially unchanged since previous reports and that is despite several
reports on torture by a committee of the Turkish grand national assembly.
As the noble Lord, Lord Avebury, pointed out, there is a climate of
impunity for law enforcement officials in torture cases.
As those who have read the Guardian this morning will know, the situation
in prisons in Turkey is in crisis. There is gross overcrowding in Turkish
prisons with 72,500 in custody, of which some 12,000 are political
prisoners, according to Kurdish sources.
I understand that legislation has been drawn up to offer amnesty to quite
a high proportion of prisoners but we do not yet know which prisoners are
to be released. There is now--and this is one of the causes of the
trouble--a prison rebuilding programme. Human rights associations fear
that the new system will isolate prisoners with no opportunity to
socialise. That can, in itself, be a form of inhuman treatment which may
already, I suggest, be being used in some cases in preference to physical
torture.
Abdullah Ocalan, at his trial, after five months isolation, which still
continues one and a half years later, was a pale shadow of his former
militant and competent self. There were suggestions that drugs had also
been used on him. Of course, that is much easier if someone is being held
in isolation.
The current attack on prisons should cause great concern. Apparently,
according to credible human rights organisations, the security forces
carried out armed assaults on at least 13 prisons in the early hours of
yesterday morning. Excessive, disproportionate force and live ammunition
have been used and approximately 17 prisoners and one prison guard have
died. As my noble friend is aware, the Kurdish human rights project has
written to my honourable friend Peter Hain about that, asking for the
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture to make an immediate
visit to look at the situation in Turkish prisons.
The assaults were undertaken to break a long, non-violent hunger strike
against the new F-type isolation cells and other violations of human
rights in prisons. The desperation of the prisoners is shown by the fact
that some apparently set themselves on fire rather than submit. There is
still a serious restriction on press freedom. The report says:
However, I have a report from the Kurdish human rights project that
the village of Senlikko yu near Lice, which was rebuilt by returning
inhabitants, was again forcibly evacuated and burned by an army raid
on 3rd October. I could give a great deal more detail but time is
marching on.
I turn briefly to deal with Cyprus. Over the
past 12 months five rounds of proximity talks between the Greek and
Turkish Cypriot leaders have taken place but so far there has been
only marginal progress. Before the European Court of Human Rights
there are over 150 cases brought by Greek Cypriots against Turkey for
not allowing access to property. In the case of Mrs Loizidou, judgment
has been found against Turkey, but the Turkish authorities have
refused to recognise the verdict and still will not allow the owner
access to her land.
Cyprus is on track to be admitted to the EU
in the first tranche despite the Turkish army's occupation of 37 per
cent of the country. As my noble friend knows only too well, there are
numerous Security Council and other UN resolutions requiring Turkey to
Turkey needs to change in so many areas. It will be an uphill task and
will take, I suggest, at least a decade and possibly longer. However, many
in Turkey want the EU to insist that Turkey reaches standards that comply
with European conventions. We must not let them down by admitting Turkey
too soon.
Of course, there is a view that within, rather than outside the EU, Turkey
will be more easily persuaded to change. I do not accept that and nor do a
great many people inside Turkey who strongly favour Turkey's eventual
acceptance. As with the other candidates for admission, we should not
allow strategic or economic considerations to override the urgent need for
Turkey to reform its whole approach to human rights and the need for it to
end its illegal occupation of northern Cyprus, if
only for the sake of its own people. |
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